Treason: Rebellion

By 1800, there were 300,000 Africans enslaved in the British colony of Jamaica. Despite harsh punishments and low odds of success, communities among the enslaved repeatedly organised and acted throughout the 18th and 19th centuries, starting revolts to overthrow their enslavers.

In this episode, we explore how and why enslaved people resisted in the British Caribbean, and then Harvard University Professor Vincent Brown shares the story of Tacky’s Revolt, one of the largest uprisings in this period. 

This is the third instalment of a three-part series exploring treason across the centuries. The first episode explores direct attempts to kill the monarch in the 16th and 19th centuries. Episode two examines the ripple effects of treasonous plots.

This podcast series is part of a season of events and activities accompanying our new exhibition, Treason: People, Power & Plot – free and open to all. Find out more at

If you’re interested in finding out more about records covered in this episode, take a look at our research guide to Enslaved people and slave owners. Our guides are presented in a very factual manner and do not address the horrors and violence of some of the topics covered. However, by sharing these resources we hope to support your further study.

For help navigating our catalogue, you can watch our top level tips on using Discovery.

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[Teaser clips, montage from episode interviews]

Tracy Boreman: This is On the Record at The National Archives: uncovering the past through stories of everyday people. I’m Tracy Boreman.

Roger Kershaw: And I’m Roger Kershaw.

Tracy is a historian, author, and guest host for this mini-series. And I’m a records specialist here at The National Archives in Kew, West London, where we research, look after, and help our audiences better understand the Archives’ collections of historical government and public records.

Tracy: In this episode, we’re looking at slave revolts in Britain’s Caribbean colonies, with a special focus on Jamaica, which was one of the largest of Britain’s colonies where slavery was practised. Enslaved Africans were first brought to Jamaica by the Spanish in the 1500s. In the 1650s, Britain gained control of the island.

Over the next 140 years, they would ship hundreds of thousands of enslaved people to Jamaica to work on plantations. In the year 1700, there were about 45,000 Africans enslaved in the colony; by 1800 that number had grown to over 300,000. Conditions on the plantations were brutal, and there was little to no hope for legal routes to freedom for the enslaved or their children, who were born into this oppressive system.

In this episode, Philippa Hellawell of The National Archives will help us understand the historical context for slave rebellions and the motivations of their leaders in 18th and 19th century Jamaica. After that, we’ll be joined by Harvard University’s Vincent Brown, the leading expert on Tacky’s Revolt, which was the largest slave uprising in the 18th-century British Atlantic.

Roger: The first question we wanted to ask Philippa was about the word “treason.” One goal of enslaved uprisings was to overthrow the colonial government. So they have that in common with some of our other treason stories. However, a group of enslaved people turning to violence to secure their freedom is obviously not the same as something like the Cato Street Conspiracy we discussed in our previous episode.

So Philippa, if an uprising in England would be called treason, does the same term apply to a slave revolt? What’s the best language to use for these rebellions?

Philippa Hellawell: This is a really interesting question, and I would say that the formal answer is no. This was not treason because the enslaved were denied their personhood and citizenship, and the legal foundations for this were set out in various colonial codes that linked slaves to other goods and chattel. And the first comprehensive code that established this was the Barbados code of 1661. And it established British Atlantic slavery as chattel slavery. It saw enslaved men and women as property, not as people. So then when we go to look at how it was described at the time, the word treason is also absent.

What’s best practice for talking about these rebellions and revolts today? I think it’s always important to look at what words were used at the time, and crucially what perspective that represents. So the word rebel or insurrectionist are terms often used in the British newspapers, and they’re also used by the owners of enslaved African people as well. And this highlights what was considered to be the enslaved’s very disruptive rebellion against a system of slavery that kept the British Atlantic economy going. But then if we flip that and we look at it from the perspective of the enslaved, what they’re fighting for is freedom. They weren’t just waiting to be freed, they were actively fighting for their own freedom. And so words like freedom fighter and abolitionists might be a more appropriate way of talking about enslaved people involved in these protests rather than rebel or insurrectionist.

Roger: Thanks, Philippa. That’s important context to keep in mind for the rest of this episode.

You were a guest on our recent Colonial Office episode, where you talked about the Middle Passage and how captured Africans may have resisted during that journey. Let’s pick that thread back up again: short of full-scale revolt—which we’re going to talk about a bit later—how would these men and women have resisted once they were sold onto plantations in the British colonies?

Philippa: So there were very different types of resistance and very different ways that the enslaved resisted their oppression. And this could range from everyday acts of resistance to large-scale revolts. And I’m first going to start with these everyday acts of resistance, which probably don’t spring to mind when we talk about rebellion and resistance. And we’ve got to think about the enslaved in terms of their position, their relative lack of power in comparison to the people who enslaved them. So they have very few weapons in their arsenal. And so they might resort to everyday acts of resistance, things like tool breaking, property destruction, even just slowing down the pace of work or withholding their labour, even gossip channels could be seen as a way to undermine their enslavers. And also we’ve got a few cases of women actually practising birth control as well to refuse to perform their reproductive labour.

And some historians also see the maintenance of African and Creole cultures as a form of resistance itself. So just by them preserving their ways of life and their belief systems, so religions and music give them some autonomy, gives them some separation from plantation life. I think it’s important here when we’re talking about African culture, we’re not talking about one culture here. It’s important to remember that enslaved Africans were traded from a variety of different West African ports, and each of those ports connected to portions of the African interior. So we’re talking about such a huge geographical area with differences in languages and customs. And so historians are very interested to what extent these cultures were hybridized and how they were maintained in the face of such oppression and the difficult conditions on the plantation.

And so while this type of resistance, these everyday acts or just the maintenance of native culture might not have led to whole-scale change, they were ways of slowing down the plantation system, slowing down work through forms of economic sabotage. Another form of resistance was simply running away from plantations, and this was a very consistent problem, but it did vary in nature and we see this geographically. So in the Caribbean and South America, for instance, so places like Jamaica, Brazil, and Suriname, there were large Maroon communities, and Maroons were enslaved men and women who built their own free communities which were often in remote areas, places like forests and jungles.

Whereas in North America, there’s less of a tradition of these Maroon communities, but there are countless cases of individual runaways. So we see actually lots of advertisements in North American newspapers advertising for the loss of enslaved people, seeking information, and also giving some information, some background on the reasons why they might have escaped or run away. And the people who run away were often young males, and some would attempt to flee to the free states of North America or they might run to towns and cities and try to pass as a free person or even become a mariner on an ocean-going ship. And although we do see individual runaways in South America and the Caribbean, we see more of this kind of larger community of Maroons gathering together. And often these were in places that were not that far from the placement, land adjacent to it. And were able to kind of slip into obscurity and leave a free life with their fellow escapees. All this cost enslavers valuable labour, it cost them money. So this is a way of sabotaging the system.

And then lastly, I want to talk about violent acts of resistance. So there are some cases of attacks on white enslavers, and there are not many of these documented. And we’ve also got to remember they do not have many weapons in their arsenals. So these might often be fist fights, but sometimes they could use tools that they worked with, things like axes, shovels, and even machetes.

Roger: I think it’s important to start with these individual acts of resistance before we get into rebellion and revolt.

So, making that transition, how often did slave revolts happen in the British colonies, and what kind of scale did they reach?

Philippa: We’ve got to think about this in the context to the more kind of everyday acts of resistance I talked about earlier, because these were quite exceptional events that happened in all slave societies. And we need to distinguish between those that were planned and those that actually took place. So while we might have a record of those which actually were enacted, there were also various conspiracies as well.

And when we look at these large scales revolts, we also see a regional pattern again. So there are fewer in North America and more in the Caribbean and South America. And we can even think about this in terms of numbers as well. So one of the largest rebellions in the United States would have a number of about a hundred enslaved people who were rebelling, whereas we have cases of thousands of enslaved people involved in rebellions in Jamaica alone.

Roger: Do we know why Caribbean revolts were larger and more frequent?

Philippa: There are many different conditions that might have led to revolts. First of all, there’s the size of the plantation. So there are hundreds in South America and the Caribbean, hundreds of enslaved people on plantations. But on average in the American south, there were only about 20 enslaved people. And this does affect the enslaved community there and how leadership can develop from these larger groups. And also we’ve got to think about the culture of these communities. As I was talking about earlier, these enslaved cultures can become more independent from white slave culture, whereas on small farms where they’re in a smaller and more closed community, it’s difficult to develop a more independent way of living. We’ve also got to think about the ratio of white people to Black people, and in Jamaica, for instance, Black people outnumbered white people about 10 to one, whereas Black people were often a minority in the United States, except for states like South Carolina and Mississippi. So that might be one reason why we see more revolts in the Caribbean than we do in the mainland US.

Another reason, another condition that may lead to rebellions or economic difficulties, so before one rebellion in Jamaica, this is called either the Christmas Rebellion because it took place a few days after Christmas or the Sam Sharpe rebellion named after the leader. And this followed severe drought and food scarcity.

Another condition that might have led to a slave rebellion, the kind of growing abolitionist politics and also rumours of emancipation. So, for instance, in Demerara in 1823, the enslaved believed that the whites in their society were withholding their freedom. And this is in the context of the abolitionist campaign growing in Britain and the formation of the anti-slavery society. So there are these rumors circulating that emancipation is coming, and there’s also this suspicion that perhaps enslaved are not being told all the story by the plantation owners. And in Demerara, this resulted in a rebellion of thousands of the enslaved. And one of the plans was to march to the capsule of the colony, Georgetown, and burn it down. And this was then going to be used as a signal for others to join the rebellion. But then this revolt was repressed quite severely. We see the death of 250 enslaved men and women. Some were executed very violently and some were flogged with over a thousand lashes.

And we do also see some similarity between Demerara and the Sam Sharpe rebellion in Jamaica. Again, abolitionists’ pressure led the government to send legislation to Jamaica outlining improvements to be made in the governance of the enslaved. And this also included their religious instruction as well. If they’re thinking about emancipation and giving the enslaved their freedom, there was lots of calls for the enslaved to be converted to Christianity, and this would help fit them for civil society. And there was actually quite a lot of resistance on the part of the elite settlers in Jamaica, and they were criticizing the intervention of the government. And the enslaved were aware of this anti-slavery feeling in Britain, and they believed that it was the planters, the slave owners, that were withholding their freedom.

There are many complex reasons for rebellion, another one is religion. And again, the Sam Sharpe rebellion is evidence of that. He himself was an enslaved African, but he was well-educated and was very highly regarded by his master. And he became a leader of the Baptist Church, and he used this church to organise, to mobilise the enslaved.

And he planned a campaign of passive resistance. And so his idea was that the enslaved would go on strike. They would stop their work, they would remove their labour until the owners paid their wages and assented to their freedom. And there was a backup plan of armed resistance if this failed.

And the Sam Sharpe rebellion is the largest rebellion in Jamaican history. One estimate is that 20,000 enslaved people participated in it, around 200 people were killed during the rebellion, and 300 were executed, with about 1 million pounds worth of property destroyed. And this is actually seen as being one of the catalysts for abolition with the Abolition Act in 1833.

Roger: Thank you Philippa, you’ve given us a great introduction, which will be useful for our next story, as we focus in on one particular uprising.

Tracy: Our next guest is Vincent Brown. Vincent is a Professor of African and African-American Studies and Director of the History Design Studio at Harvard University. He’s the author of “Tacky’s Revolt: The Story of an Atlantic Slave War, “ which was published in 2020.

Vincent, thank you for joining us. Writing a whole book on Tacky’s Revolt is quite a commitment in terms of interest and time. So before we get into the details, I’d love to know what drew you to this rebellion?

Vincent Brown: So Tacky’s Revolt, which happened in 1760 and 1761 was one of the most interesting events that I encountered when I was writing my first book on Jamaican slavery, The Reaper’s Garden, which really explored in what was an incredibly high mortality society how people maintain relations between the living and the dead through their cultural practices, and how those relations between the living and the dead shaped the politics of Jamaican slavery from the mid-18th century through the emancipation of the 1830s. And it turned out that Tacky’s Revolt was pivotal to that entire history. So it was an important moment in the history of the island, but I would also argue it was an important event in the Imperial Atlantic region more broadly.

Tracy: Well that leads us right into the revolt itself. This uprising eventually involves thousands of fighters. How does something that large-scale begin and gain so much momentum?

Vincent: So about 90% of the population of Jamaica was enslaved. So it had the importation of massive numbers of Africans. And one of the ways that the British were able to acquire captives from Africa is that they sold weapons to African polities which stimulated African warfare; increased the scale and fatality lethality of pre-existing African wars. But that produced far more captives for sale to the Europeans on the Coast. So anywhere from half to two-thirds of the Africans who were captive in the Americas had either been war captives or they’d been people displaced by wars that were in some ways enhanced by European trade. So, many of those Africans had military experience when they arrived in the Americas and were ready to resist slavery when they found opportunities to resist slavery. So you have both people who had been involved in combat in West Africa, but also people who had experience evading combat and evading expanding and slave-raiding empires in West Africa. And those people resisted slavery using the skills and experience that they had in Africa. So first you have the brutal conditions of the sugar plantation economy, and then you have people with experience resisting such brutal conditions. And in 1760 in the parish of St. Mary in April, they began an uprising that spread across the entire island and lasted into 1761.

Tracy: I think the combat expertise of captured Africans… it’s very rarely discussed, but so interesting and important to acknowledge.

And it leads us to the next question: what do we know about the individual leaders behind this revolt? For example, we have Tacky himself, a Fante chief from West Africa…who else can we follow through the records?

Vincent: So despite the title of the book, Tacky’s Revolt may be a bit of a misnomer. The event has been called Tacky’s Revolt primarily because the first people who wrote about it– and these were slaveholding planters in the 18th century– identified Tacky as the chief and principal leader. But there were other leaders. And over the course of my research, I found that some of them may have been more important. Some of them certainly lasted longer in the course of the events than Tacky himself did, who survived only about two weeks into the initial revolt which began on the morning of April 8th 1760 and Tacky lasted about 19 days before he was suppressed. And then the revolt even got bigger! After the initial revolt in the parish of St. Mary that began in April 1760. There was another uprising in the parish of Westmoreland even larger than that initial revolt, and that revolt had other principle leaders namely; one person whose African name was Apongo but also had been renamed Wager upon his enslavement, and another man who was named Simon who was an important leader and he lasted even past that Westmoreland revolt and carried on a force March all the way into two other parishes and lasted until 1761. So one of the things we know is that there were many leaders of what became an island-wide revolt, and that Tacky was only one of them. All of these leaders it seemed had been people with some kind of authority, either military experience or political authority in West Africa before they were enslaved and brought to Jamaica. And so one of the things I found is that you had lots of people with habits of command with authority and skill, despite being enslaved, in some ways reconstituting their authority among the slaves of Jamaica in order to stage these rebellions against British plantation society.

Tracy: So I can imagine a lot of conversations and planning happened *before* the revolt began, which must have been a risky activity in such a repressive society. What was at stake here and how would leaders like Tacky, Apongo, and Simon have inspired enough support to keep things going for months?

Vincent: I’m gonna go back and supplement my answer on the individuals because I think that will take us in the direction you want to go. It emerges from the diary of an 18th-century plantation overseer, a man named Thomas Thistlewood who kept a diary of his time as an overseer in Jamaica over the course of 36 years from 1750 to 1786, that Apongo had been an official in West Africa—a military official. And while he was there, he had a trading relationship with the chief agent of Cape Coast Castle which was Britain’s principal trading fort on the Gold Coast of West Africa, roughly what’s now Ghana. At some point, that man John Cope, that Chief agent of Cape Coast Castle, retired from his post in West Africa and set himself up as a planter in Jamaica. And Apongo, some years later, was himself captured, enslaved, and sold to the Europeans. And when he came out to Jamaica, he encountered John Cope again. And John Cope, strangely enough, treated him as a man of honor who he had known from his time in Africa, and promised him or insinuated at least that when Apongo’s—now Wager’s—owner returned to the island—the owner was a royal navy ship captain named Arthur Forrest—that John Cope would have Apongo redeemed and sent home to West Africa. Now we know that John Cope dies in 1756 and sometime in the intervening four years, Apongo becomes one of the leaders of this largest slave revolt in the 18th-century British Empire.

Now, that suggests to me that Apongo had a wealth of experiences that he could draw upon when he led that revolt. Not only had he been a military official in West Africa, we know through the records that he actually served aboard a Royal Navy warship for about a year in the Caribbean before Captain Arthur Forrest put him on his sugar plantation in the parish of Westmoreland, where Apongo was a driver. Basically, an enslaved driver who had the responsibility to keep other enslaved people in check on the sugar plantation. And then he became a leader of this larger revolt. So what we’re seeing there is politics among the enslaved trying to think about how they can better their condition, and people who have authority drawn from whatever source have leverage in applying their politics.

So you ask how revolt like this will play out and my answer is through political organising: the hard daily grunt work of convincing people that they had more to gain by joining a revolt—despite what everybody knew would be massive consequences—than they had by remaining enslaved and hoping for some opportunity to better their own individual condition as they saw fit.

It shouldn’t be understated what a fraught and difficult, vexed decision that was, right? Slavery was awful. It was brutal. And especially Jamaica was one of the most brutal slave societies in the history of the world, we think. Life expectancy was very low, conditions were extremely harsh, and punishments were extreme for even contemplating revolt. At one point, in fact, there was a law on the books that said any slave who imagines the death of a White person is subject to capital punishment. If you can prove that a slave thought about harming or killing a White person, then that was a capital offense. So you know that the punishments for even contemplating a revolt and certainly engaging in a revolt are extreme. And yet the conditions were so brutal and people so desperate that if someone could convince others that they could strike out for their freedom and hold it, they might join a revolt. And so all along the way, I had to study what those political conditions were and try to imagine what those kinds of conversations must have been like in order to convince people to revolt against such long odds, and facing such terrible punishments given that the conditions were so awful. But that also was not really an option.

Now, there was some hope to be gained in these revolts because– this takes us back a little bit into the larger history of the island– there were these encampments of Maroons throughout the island. These were escaped slaves who in an earlier period during the 1730s, had fought a protracted war against British colonisation. And it was so hard fought that the British didn’t even know they’d be able to maintain the island. So the British signed treaties with the Maroons in 1739 that granted the Maroons some semi-autonomy, some semi-sovereignty in their mountainous encampments, but obliged them by treaty to police future slave revolts. So you can see, again with the politics of enslavement that people thought if we can hold out against the British for a time, perhaps we can force them to sue for peace like the Maroons did before in the 1730s. And yet they could never count on the Maroons to be their allies. So again, all along the way we have to take Black politics and the politics of the enslaved seriously in order to see how this revolt was going to play out.

Tracy: Now I know the revolt is not successful in its ultimate goal, but are they able to win any small concessions from the British before their defeat…or is this a total loss?

Vincent: Well, I think overall on its own terms—for the rebels themselves—it has to be counted as a catastrophic loss. The revolt in the parish of St. Mary lasted only a couple of weeks. Then the uprising in Westmoreland parish, though it was much larger, lasted a couple of months. And then there was a long forced march across the island led by one of the Westmoreland rebels that lasted into 1761. But ultimately, that revolt as such was extinguished. Which doesn’t mean that its consequences didn’t continue to reverberate. In some sense, while those rebels failed in their immediate aims, I argue that they had a significant impact on the course of Atlantic slavery, in fact, helping to stimulate the early abolitionist campaigns that happened later in the century.

Tracy: In the short term, what does this mean for the people involved and for the enslaved and free Black people who weren’t involved; how did this affect their lives?

Vincent: Well, within Jamaica the first thing that happened was an extreme crackdown as could be expected, and this happened in slave revolts throughout the Americas. The rebels themselves were executed in grisly displays, or exiled and transported from the island for life to suffer death if they returned. There was a legal crackdown on Black people generally, but even on free Black people. There were small numbers of free Black people in Jamaica and their condition worsened.

So a tyrannical regime became even more tyrannical in the wake of Tacky’s Revolt, and yet it was remembered by the enslaved Jamaica as a moment of possibility. So we know that even in the early 19th century, there were enslaved people who were telling the story of Tacky’s Revolt to each other. Kind of using it as an example of what might be politically possible if only they could gather the numbers, if only they could find a way to overthrow the British entirely. We also can suspect that some of those exiles went to other places where they told the story of Tacky’s Revolt, including Saint-Domingue. Now French Saint-Domingue on the island of Hispaniola, the western third of the island Hispaniola– the territory that’s now Haiti– was in fact the most profitable European colony in the world and the biggest slave colony in the world. And 30 years after Tacky’s Revolt, there was a slave uprising in 1791 that culminated in the second independent post-colonial nation-state in the Americas after the United States. That is the territory of Haiti, which was the first to conclusively abolish slavery in its territory. So I think we can also say that perhaps, in the terms of this larger geopolitical imagination of the enslaved, Tacky’s Revolt may have played some influence on the later Haitian Revolution.

Tracy: You had this challenge, as a historian, of following ideas and movements that were kept hidden and secret at the time. How did you overcome that barrier? Tell me a bit more about the sources you used to tell this story. You’ve mentioned diaries…what other records and collections were helpful?

Vincent: Yeah. One of the most difficult things about researching the history of the enslaved, especially if you’re interested in their perspectives and their actions, is that very few of the documents that have survived were produced by the enslaved. So you constantly have to kind of interpret and read through and triangulate around the documents that you do have which were produced by the enslavers. So what we have, the diary of Thomas Thistlewood that I mentioned before, is a crucial source. We also have missionary diaries that were, you know, the missionaries were people who were close to the ground, who interacted with the enslaved, and who interpreted their words in their diaries. Those kinds of things take us close to the action as it were. There were several Moravian missionaries who were stationed in the island during the revolt. And those were a valuable source for me. There were also letters between planters. In Jamaica, many of the owners of these plantations lived in Great Britain. And they would receive updates and daily progress letters from their attorneys and overseers who were actually managing the plantations. So I read those very carefully, looking for clues as to what the enslaved might be doing and thinking. We also had newspaper accounts from Jamaica.

And then finally because this was a revolt, we had military records. And some of the best records I found were the records of the Royal Navy, actually.

Tracy: And where were those Royal Navy sources?

Vincent: Those Royal Navy sources are in The National Archive in the Admiralty series, but also at the National Maritime Museum at Greenwich.

Despite its well-earned reputation as an anti-slavery institution in the 19th century—most of our listeners will know that the Royal Navy helped to police the abolition of the slave trade in the 19th century. What they may not know as well is that during the 18th century, they were the guarantors of the system of the slave trade and slavery in the Caribbean. Jamaica was one of the largest naval stations in the Americas, right? The other large one was an English harbour, Antigua in the Caribbean. And then they had one at Halifax, Nova Scotia too in the Caribbean. And one in North America. None, by the way, no major naval station by the way in the territories that became the United States. But that was because the Caribbean was so important to them. And so the Royal Navy efforts to help suppress this revolt became one of my principal sources for thinking about how the revolt played out across the island.

Tracy: It sounds like quite the challenge. Historians always have to be clever about finding sources, but the history of enslavement, in particular, requires so much reading between the lines and using sources that may not seem at first glance to be so connected to your subject.

Vincent: One of the things I found most fascinating about writing this book was its difficulty. It was the fact that in trying to trace out the movements of individuals through the slave revolt, I had to look across so many different categories of records. I had to look at the slave trade records that are actually in the Treasury series at the National Archives, looking for the names of people who visited those slave forts, trying to find the names of people who may have ended up in Jamaica. I had to look at the ship’s manifests to see who was on board those Royal Navy warships at particular times and where they moved, trying to trace the itineraries of people around the Atlantic world. I had to look at the papers of planters and governors and other officials going back and forth sending their letters, trying to piece together the movements of people, ideas, and actions in this world. And what it meant is I had to depend on the excellent cataloguing of those records in The National Archives. I was able to follow people from the Admiralty series to the Treasury series to the Colonial Office series, in part because of the work of so many fantastic archivists over the decades at The National Archives.

Tracy: Finally, for our listeners who want to keep learning…what other events, people, places, or sources should they look up?

Vincent: I would start people off with what I think is the best recent general overview of slavery in the British Empire, and that’s Padraic Scanlan’s Slave Empire. It’s a recent book. If you want to dive more into the history of that overseer who kept that diary, there’s Trevor Bernard’s Mastery, Tyranny, and Desire. I think that anyone interested in the politics of enslavement should think about the Haitian Revolution. And so still, one of my favourite books about the Haitian Revolution is C. L. R. James’ Black Jacobins, the classic written in the 1930s. But following that, there’s Laurent Dubois’ Avengers of the New World which I think is a fantastic narrative of the Haitian Revolution. All of those books will give you a great sense of what’s happening in Imperial slavery, but also give you a good sense of the politics of the enslaved themselves.

Tracy: Thank you, Vincent, this has been absolutely fascinating, and I really encourage our listeners to pick up your book and read more. Once again, it’s called “Tacky’s Revolt: The Story of an Atlantic Slave War.”

Roger: And with that, we’re at the end of our mini-series on treason. Thank you for listening to On the Record, a production of The National Archives at Kew.

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Tracy: If you’d like to use The National Archives’ collection to do your own research on this subject, start with our research guide called ”Slavery and the British Translatlantic slave trade.” You can find it and our other research guides by selecting “Help with your research” on our home page. If you still need help after that, you can use our chat service or visit our help desk in person to get personalized help from one of our records specialists.

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Roger: Finally, Thank you to all the experts who contributed to this episode. This episode was written, edited, and produced by Hannah Hethmon for Better Lemon Creative Audio.

This podcast from The National Archives is Crown copyright. It is available for re-use under the terms of the Open Government Licence.

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